Republican Jewish Coalition Boasts of Ousting Massie As It Mobilizes for Midterms
The Republican Jewish Coalition (RJC) gathered some of the most powerful figures in Republican politics in Las Vegas this week.
Vice President JD Vance attended, and so did Republican candidates fighting for preserving control of Congress in November.
Vance arrived with something to prove: Some major Jewish Republican donors have questioned his views on Israel and his close relationship with Tucker Carlson, who has grown sharply critical of Israel’s role in U.S. politics.
Vance offered the group a striking assurance.
“You will very much always be on the team so long as I have any say in it,” he reportedly told attendees during a closed-door discussion with RJC Chairman Norm Coleman. Vance also called Israel “extremely important to America’s national security.”
The message fit the larger theme of the conference: The RJC intends to help shape the Republican Party. And Coleman made clear that politicians who cross the organization on Israel can expect consequences.
There is an obvious irony here: The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) warns that claims that Jews manipulate elections or control the U.S. government constitute long-standing “antisemitic tropes.”
RJC
The RJC calls itself “the unique bridge between the Jewish community and Republican decision-makers.”
Its political clout has long rested on wealthy donors. Its website still lists the late billionaire Sheldon Adelson among its Board of Directors. Adelson joined the board in 1997, and became one of the organization’s most influential members and financial backers.
The group lobbies federal officials and promotes Republican policies among Jewish voters. Its political arms raise money, support candidates, and spend millions to influence election outcomes.
Coleman described RJC’s role more bluntly in Las Vegas, saying the coalition also watches for when “the poison shows up in our own house.”
To cheers from the audience, Coleman declared:
We played the lead role in taking out Congressman Thomas Massie in his primary, because a Republican who treats Israel as a problem and votes with the far-left against the Jewish state does not get a pass from us. We named it, we funded the fight, and Kentucky Republicans sent him home.
Coleman then turned to Tucker Carlson, whom, he said, the coalition had “taken on by name.”
He accused the uber-popular media figure of platforming “Holocaust deniers,” likely referring to guests such as Nick Fuentes and Owen Benjamin, and of “smearing Jews who stand with Israel,” apparently a reference to Carlson’s repeated attacks on pro-Israel personalities such as Ben Shapiro and Mark Levin.
Such conduct, Coleman said, is “not MAGA and not conservative.” Calling out such detractors, he boasted, “is what a serious organization does.”
“Support for Israel Is Not Optional”
Coleman made clear that the RJC intends to confront voices it considers hostile to Israel, both inside the Republican Party and among Democrats.
“We draw the line on both sides of the aisle!” he said.
“Support for Israel is not a talking point. It’s a government priority,” Coleman stressed. He then urged RJC members to translate that commitment into political action.
“Raise the money,” he told them. “Make the calls” and “show up in the races that will decide the House and the Senate.”
Republicans, he added, “need to hear that support for Israel is not optional.”
The Massie Test Case
The case of Representative Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) provides the clearest example of what that means.
The RJC Victory Fund said it allocated $5 million to support Massie’s opponent, Trump-endorsed Ed Gallrein. After Massie lost, the group celebrated, declaring:
Massie has been a thorn in the side of President Trump, the Republican Party, and the Jewish community writ large.
But Coleman’s claim that the RJC played the “lead role” in ousting Massie needs some qualification.
Louisville Public Media reported that the largest outside spender was the Trump-aligned MAGA KY, which poured about $7.4 million into the race. Major donors behind it and allied PACs included Miriam Adelson and hedge-fund manager Paul Singer.
AIPAC’s United Democracy Project spent about $4.1 million. The RJC contributed another $3.9 million. Together, the three operations spent about $15.5 million.
Gallrein ultimately won by roughly 10 points, despite not spending all the money his campaign had raised. Coleman now presents that result as a warning to other Republicans.
That matters because Massie’s conflict with these groups centered heavily on foreign policy. He opposed U.S. aid to Israel and American involvement in the Iran war.
The RJC called that record “indefensible” and treated it as politically disqualifying.
The Next Targets and Allies
The coalition now has its eyes on November.
In March, the RJC endorsed 16 Republican House incumbents. They include David Kustoff (Tenn.), Max Miller (Ohio), Randy Fine (Fla.), and Craig Goldman (Texas), the four Jewish Republicans currently serving in the House.
The list also focuses heavily on vulnerable seats.
The RJC backs Pennsylvania’s Brian Fitzpatrick, Ryan Mackenzie, and Rob Bresnahan; Mike Lawler (N.Y.); Tom Kean Jr. (N.J.); Tom Barrett (Mich.); Juan Ciscomani (Ariz.); Gabe Evans (Colo.); Iowa’s Zach Nunn and Mariannette Miller-Meeks; David Valadao (Calif.); and Derrick Van Orden (Wis.).
The Senate may matter even more.
The RJC formally endorsed eight Senate candidates in April: Dan Sullivan (Alaska), Kurt Alme (Mont.), Ashley Moody (Fla.), Michael Whatley (N.C.), Ashley Hinson (Iowa), Pete Ricketts (Neb.), Mike Rogers (Mich.), and Jon Husted (Ohio).
Michigan has become a major focus.
Rogers faces Democrat Abdul El-Sayed. RJC CEO Matt Brooks recently emphasized that the organization would “spend every day between now and November” working against El-Sayed and for Rogers.
Notably, Vance attacked El-Sayed and called him “evil” at a Michigan rally before appearing at the RJC summit in Las Vegas later that night.
Georgia also received prominent attention at the summit.
Republican Senate nominee Mike Collins appeared at the gathering and slammed Democratic Senator Jon Ossoff, whom he is challenging in November. Collins portrayed the race as part of the broader fight over control and direction of the Senate.
Money, Access, and a Political Line
None of this activity is hidden.
In 2024, the RJC said it raised and spent more than $15 million helping Donald Trump return to the White House. It targeted Jewish voters in Pennsylvania, Nevada, Michigan, Arizona, and Georgia, combining advertising with an extensive volunteer operation.
The spending has continued into the midterms. Through June 30, the RJC Victory Fund had raised just over $7 million during the current election cycle and spent nearly $5.2 million, according to FEC records.
Now Coleman wants members to do more.
His remarks may have been the most revealing of the conference. The RJC is not simply advocating a foreign policy — it is enforcing a political boundary inside the Republican Party.
Massie crossed it — and the RJC helped end his congressional career.
Carlson crossed it — and the organization publicly targeted him.
The vice president’s decision to appear before the coalition and reassure its members suggests that the boundary exists and is respected even at the highest echelons of power.
With control of Congress at stake in November, the RJC intends to make that boundary count.
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