The most consequential elections of our lifetime are quickly approaching. Many sensible Americans believe November 2024 will determine whether the United States will be the land of the free, or a country of subjects.

Dr. David Clements has dedicated the last few years of his life to teaching Americans how U.S. elections are manipulated, why they’re being rigged, and what can be done to regain one of the most critical components of self-government.

Clements is a former New Mexico prosecutor and a former professor at New Mexico State University. His resistance to Covid-related mandates and subsequent crusade to restore U.S. elections have turned his life upside down. He has lost his job, he has been blackballed, he has incurred lawfare on multiple fronts, and he and his family have received death threats. 

Nevertheless, he stands firm in the face of these constant attacks. He is a man on a mission.  

Clements created and produced the movie Let My People Go, released in 2023, which you can watch for free on Rumble, Bitchute, and other platforms. We encourage you to do so.  

On March 15, TNA senior editor Paul Dragu interviewed Clements. The following is an abridged version of the interview. You can watch the entire interview here.  

The New American: Why did you name a movie about elections after a famous Bible verse?  

Dr. David Clements: Because it’s a deliverance story, and we need deliverance from rigged elections. The story focuses on two forms of slavery. One’s more abstract, and it’s the notion that we have lost our most valuable property interest in this country, which is our voice. And our voice has historically been manifested through the vote. 

After November 3, 2020, the number of deviations — whether it’s mathematical, statistical, human behavior deviations, or machine manipulation — was so great that I took to traveling across the country to give evidentiary presentations in line with what I would have done in a closing argument as a trial attorney.  

And then the other form of slavery is not abstract. It’s the plight of the J6ers, who used their intuition, showed up to a place of consequence on January 6, and the greatest false flag that we’ve ever seen [happened]. Many are still imprisoned three years and counting, without a trial date. And so Let My People Go really wants to address both their bondage, through hopefully getting Trump back to the White House so he can issue pardons, but also just understanding that if we’re ever going to have true confidence in our elections, we have to get rid of these [voting] systems that are open to the internet.  

TNA: How did our election problems get your attention, and how did you get from being a professor at a university to being an election activist who is now the target of lawfare? 

Clements: I ran for office about a decade ago, and Dominion was new on the scene. I remember being up in a U.S. Senate race by about 14,000 votes, only to be surprised at the next interval report where the vote switched. I was told by the secretary of state they hadn’t counted the mail-in ballots, and I basically took people at their word.  

But that occurrence troubled me because I’m sitting there going, “I just have no sense on how this process works, what is going on inside that little black box.” 

So seeds were planted years ago, but November 3 really looked like a major push that offended me when it came to censorship, the fact that you couldn’t ask questions or negatively comment on early voting or using vote tabulation machines. In fact, Mike Benz did an interview with Tucker Carlson [saying] 22 million posts in the seven months leading up to the election were purged on the internet.  

So in this Orwellian environment, it really just bothered me. And when I started looking at the stories showcased in many affidavits that were sworn throughout the country, what we’re seeing was a form of vote trafficking. And I used to be a former prosecutor and I was well versed in drug trafficking. And almost you could mirror what I was seeing in the realm of elections. And the parallels were so striking to me that I was seeing things very clearly.  

But I was the kind of guy that was out on an island. I had credentials, I had the resumé in criminal prosecution, and it created a major storm for my personal life. But like anything, you just keep digging. And instead of having my concerns dispelled, my concerns were affirmed time and time again to the point where now, three and a half years later, basically not one substantive point that we have uncovered has been refuted by any of the so-called experts. And much of that work has culminated in Let My People Go.  

TNA: How come you were the only one among your academic peers who saw things for what they really were? 

Clements: I think part of it was that most people that I talked to, at least on the jab, I had colleagues that were business law professors, and they would confide to me in private that they agree that this is wrong. But their calculus of wisdom was, “Let’s keep our jobs. Let’s survive this madness because surely it will end.” 

So it was in that environment where you have all kinds of people that really just want to go along to get along because they’ve got a great quality of life. You can pretty much extrapolate that to any place, because most of the people that are out there that are whistleblowers, that you know of now, had a similar existence. Most people agreed with them, but they were afraid of losing pensions, what have you.  

Stolen election? Joe Biden was declared the winner of the 2020 presidential election, an outcome fewer people believe as more time passes. The 2020 election was fraught with irregularities, suspicious behavior, and downright fraud. Dr. David Clements’ documentary delves into election corruption that happened in 2020. (AP Images)

TNA: Professor, what do you say to those who say the 2020 election was the most secure, or to those who say, “Many election cases have been filed in courts, yet not one has ended up with an outcome that acknowledged there was enough fraud to swing the election”?  

Clements: You have to ask yourself: Does the truth start and stop with a captured legacy media outlet saying it out loud? It’s not as if they haven’t been proven wrong time and time again. And is the truth confined to a judge that actually appears on ballots? There’s actually a vested interest to not disturb the system architecture, because if you do that, you might be undermining your own power.  

It doesn’t surprise me that there wasn’t a strong curiosity to get to the bottom of election fraud one way or the other. Many cases were submitted to the Supreme Court. They didn’t take them up. So you can’t say that there’s no evidence if you’re not willing to examine the merits to begin with. And most of the cases that were submitted — there’s about 92 that were filed by either the RNC [Republican National Committee], the GOP, or Trump — only 32 of those cases were taken up for merit hearings. And I want to say that out of those 32 cases, Trump, the GOP, RNC actually won I think now 24 cases. None of them were outcome determinative, meaning most of the judges said, “There’s no way that I’m going to be the reason why a city burns down by disenfranchising a voter base’s favorite candidate.” So they did what most politicians do, they punted and they just hoped that this issue would go away. 

Most of the challenges that I have aren’t evidentiary. There’s not someone that’s able to dispute the “cast vote record” summaries, or the election-night reporting, or the PID [proportional-integral-derivative] controls, or the algorithms, or the ballot stuffing that we’re seeing. I mean we got video evidence, for God’s sake, that shows all of these things. So they’re not going to be able to refute that.  

Instead, what I’m tasked with dealing with is a psychology, or people under this mass formation psychosis, similar to what we dealt with with the jabs and the mandates. The argument is, “Surely it isn’t as bad as you suggest.” Or, “In my state, Trump won. I live in Texas, and therefore, because Trump won and I’m in Texas and everyone is Republican, it doesn’t apply to me.” 

But what we’re finding is that the evidence in the data just doesn’t bear that out. I’m not really in the habit of just trying to have discussions with people that are either ideologically possessed or haven’t done the work. What I want to do is talk with credible experts, credible scientists. And the reason why the Rasmussen poll keeps ticking away to where you’ve got 80 percent — 80 percent! — of one major party saying, “Yeah, we believe our elections are rigged” is because of the work that we’ve done in getting to the truth. It’s unheard of to have that kind of metric where one major party — and it’s not just Republicans; 64 percent of Independents feel the same way; about 50 percent of Democrats have come to the conclusion that our elections are not secure.  

So you’ve got this domination taking place in the court of public opinion where anyone with a pulse says, “Okay, there’s something wrong here.” But what they’re not seeing is that same 80 percent carried over to elected leadership or the judiciary. And what I have to remind people is those people, whether they had any knowledge of it or otherwise, the system let them through. And so none of them wants to investigate whether their race was subject to some defective product.  

TNA: You mentioned 24 cases were won by Trump or the RNC. I think that’s something that almost nobody knows about. Tell us about that.  

Clements: John Droz, Jr. is a physicist, and he worked with a world-class team to actually look at those types of cases. And these are ones that were a little bit more in the news than others.  

I personally evaluated over 400 election-related lawsuits related to 2020. Not all of them are built the same, but the vast majority were dismissed on this doctrine called “standing,” which is fundamentally misunderstood because typically, if there’s a political remedy, the judge won’t take up the merits. Meaning, if you’ve got a problem with a policy or a law, they will just say, “Vote the bums out.” 

This is what happened with Obamacare. A lot of people filed suits saying, “This is impacting my business.” And the judges said, “Well, if you don’t like Obamacare, make sure that you vote out the current legislature and get a new law in place.” So they dismissed the case and said, “You don’t have standing.”  

But the problem with applying that precedent to the realm of elections is that it’s the very election architecture that doesn’t allow you to vote the bums out. But because courts are creatures of case law and precedent, this would be a case of first impression. They would have to basically “architect” a new version of standing to account for the fact that we’re being deprived of a political remedy. You can’t vote bums out of office with defective products that install bums.  

Mostly peaceful protest: On January 6, 2021, throngs of Americans converged on the nation’s capital to express their concerns about the legitimacy of the official outcome of the 2020 general election. In the documentary Let My People Go, creator David Clements features multiple J6 attendees who were targeted by the Department of Justice, some of whom have served prison time. (AP Images)

TNA: There’s a growing crop of legislators, albeit small in number, who clearly reflect the people’s choice. I can’t imagine that all elections are rigged. I imagine some are more rigged than others. But what do you say? Are all elections rigged? Or just some elections? Are they rigged differently?  

Clements: They are. But that doesn’t mean that certain people might not end up the victor that deserve to be the victor. We have to get away from this idea of having an abiding conviction that a particular candidate won or lost and instead focus on what the election system should stand for, which is accuracy.  

What I can tell you is that there’s no accuracy uniformly throughout the system, no matter what state you live in. And there’s a lot of evidence bearing that out. So basically, we’re guessing. So if you’re going to ask me if I think Ted Cruz won in Texas, I could say he probably did. But to the degree, with precision, I can take it to the bank and say the vote that was tabulated in favor of him is absolutely not accurate. There’s nowhere in America that you can come away saying, “This was so rock solid, we have no questions here.” And the reason why I can say that with certainty is that when we look at cast-vote-record summaries — these are the records that basically give you a replay of how votes were cast on election night — we’re seeing uniform manipulation in left-leaning states, right-leaning states, and you’re seeing injection and frontloading of votes for preferred candidates with the outcome being predetermined. 

And so I can go to the mat on a thousand different locations where those records were retrieved and say, “We don’t have honest elections.” And if I can point to a thousand counties, yes, it’s everywhere because everyone shares at least one ballot race every four years. So if someone’s not doing something right in Georgia and you live in New Mexico, guess what? Your vote has been diluted on the most consequential race. So, the problems that we see in Maricopa [County, Arizona], the problems that we see in Detroit, the problems that we see in Pennsylvania with boarded-up windows — you can’t tell me that doesn’t affect the Texan when we’ve all had to suffer through Joe Biden for the last four years. 

You’re only as strong as your weakest link, and I’m not looking so much at races and people. I’m looking at system architecture. And the commonality that I’m seeing is, in every one of these states, you’ve got the same machine vendors, the same software providers. They might have a different logo, a different wrapper, or maybe the hardware looks a lot different, but the underlying software design is essentially the same. And the ways that you would subvert these systems are essentially the same. And every jurisdiction, every state shares those problems. And I happened to work with national and state-level experts over the last three and a half years, and we can compare the ways that systems were subverted in Antrim County [Michigan]; Maricopa [County, Arizona]; Coffee County, Georgia; Collin County, Texas, for crying out loud. And we’re finding the same forms of subversion. 

TNA: What’s more common — machine manipulation or ballot mules? There seems to be a competing narrative there.  

Clements: It shouldn’t be. The machines and the rigged software optimize the environment for ballot stuffing. Ballot stuffing tells you what the delta is that you need to inject your ballots into. The machines actually inform the ballot stuffing. You should never separate the two. They’ve got to be combined.  

TNA: The point of all this is to put a preferred candidate [in office], to perpetuate the power of “the machine,” as I call it. What is the goal here? Why are they doing this, whoever “they” are? And do you have any idea who “they” are and their ultimate goals?  

Clements: First, let’s just take a look at Congress. Most people would admit that most congressional members make a fortune through legal insider trading, meaning that they know exactly how they’re going to vote on certain bills that will favor certain industries and hurt others. As a result, people that are making $200,000 a year over a 10, 20-year career, leave as people that are worth $10, $30, $40, $50 million. 

If you understand that this is big business, then you have to believe that people are capable [of] war-gaming the instruments that are used to see who gets selected to basically become the power brokers of the world. And while that might sound conspiratorial, I have to remind people that I used to prove criminal conspiracy all the time as a prosecutor. All it is is a shared agreement to carry out a purpose. And sometimes those purposes are there at the expense of the American people. 

Let’s talk about who “they” are. The entire system architecture that you’ll see in Let My People Go was constructed by the Department of Homeland Security. So when people are asked who “they” are, we’re not making it up. You’ve got CISSO [Classified Information Sharing and Safeguarding Office], which is a sub-agency within DHS, and they have partnered with this group called the Center for Internet Security, which is a nongovernmental organization that has zero congressional oversight. And it’s in partnerships with these agencies where they can work in the shadows and get funding from far-left groups like Democracy Fund [and] receive policy guidance from New World Order-type organizations like the Atlantic Council, which are Marxist. These are the people that are responsible for doing a couple things. Number one, they’ve entered into agreements with all 50 states to deploy these things called Albert sensors. These reside behind county and precinct firewalls, and [this] allows the Department of Homeland Security to monitor all election data [in] real time. So think of having your screen going and you know exactly what the tally is. You’re in Vegas and you know what the odds are and you know exactly what the delta is. And then in all 50 states, you’ve got integrated software that’s connected to the internet, which means you can now make adjustments and you change vote totals. You can inflate voter registration, you can do all kinds of things.  

So we’ve identified this, and it’s through the emergence of evidence showing PID controls. These are closed-feedback-loop systems where you’re seeing [an] impossible arrangement of votes that we know there’s only a few different vectors for how you would achieve that. Number one, you could subvert the election file that’s housed on the tabulators. If someone wants to tell me we don’t have chip modems hooked up to the internet, that our tabulators are placed behind a locked door under armed guards, but I see the cast-vote record that shows an impossible arrangement of votes — that tells me that likely someone has circumvented your chain of custody and subverted [the] election file on the tabulator. Some tabulators just have weak to no credentials where you can basically put in a password of “123456” and access these systems and switch votes. That’s demonstrated in the film.  

The last, and really the most pernicious way, is [that] during the reconciliation process, clerks are taking USB drives from the tabulators at the end of election night and uploading them to an internet cloud-based system where during this reconciliation process you’re combining data sets that should never be combined. So maybe that’s what’s accounting for the overriding of data, which gives us this evidence of a PID control. 

We’re not guessing. That’s what I really want to stress here. These are actual records that were set forth through the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) that tell us whether or not the machines have been subverted. And everyone and their mother is ignoring these vital records because they cannot answer for what we’re saying. They just act like it’s not a crime.  

Evidence: In the documentary Let My People Go, Clements shows how votes were electronically taken from Donald Trump and given to Joe Biden. 

TNA: What’s the remedy for this? Is it as simple as going back to paper ballots, voting at local precincts with voter IDs? 

Clements: I think if you can imagine a wild time called the 1980s and have the imagination that it was not the end of the world, what you want to do is reverse engineer the architecture to close these systems down. The reason why they’re subverted is because they’re wide open. You used to, even a few years ago, go to a polling location and sign a paper poll book, and once you sign it, they give you a ballot. Well, that’s beautiful, it’s a closed system. Now, poll book data is being transmitted across the state and you’re actually giving the mules the delta. “Okay. We know exactly how many Republicans that are registered, have shown up to the polls, and we can more or less model the election and know how many mail-in ballots we need to inject.” And when you watch 2000 Mules, it’s the wide-open nature of the electronic poll books that actually gives guidance to the mules. So let’s close that down and do what we did just a few years ago: vote tabulation. 

It used to not be done through Dominion. You’d have spreadsheets, you’d have a table of your neighbors sitting down and they’d count and have hash marks and there’d be a control group or another table. And if they had the same numerical sums at the end of election night, you would actually certify those races right then and there in your precinct. And it was a closed system. So if you want to have absolute security, you want to make sure that to the extent that technology is used, it’s just to make sure that people can catch criminal behavior and deviations.  

Unfortunately, the current system does not tell you what happens within the black-box device itself. But we’ve been given promises. “Don’t worry. You can look at the paper ballots.” Until you ask for them. And when you ask for them, you find out that you don’t get them, or you get a small sample. Or, as is the case in Maricopa [County], most of the boxes were unsealed and there was no chain of custody. They found out the paper that was used was not the actual ballot [paper] that was supposed to [be used] under law. 

So those are the examples that we prove in this film repeatedly. It’s a large issue, but really it comes down to embracing what we did in our country for over 180 years. So when people say that we can’t do it, Gillespie County, Texas, just did a primary in a large county with precincts as large as 2,000 voters and they did a hand-count election. 

TNA: In your movie, you show all these headlines of election-integrity progress. Tell me more about that. Who’s doing good work? And what is your prediction for 2024?  

Clements: I’d commend the efforts of anyone that’s trying to get us back to a hand-counting system. My prescription is you don’t have to get rid of all the machines everywhere. Just think about Jenga. You’ve got to pull blocks out of that tower in strategic areas. I would focus on the swing states with counties that have wide-open fraud and try to get to closed-market architecture there. 

We’ve experienced many victories across the country, from defunding these defective products to going to hand counting. But we have to pour a [new] foundation. And I want to end with this: I don’t want anyone to be discouraged. You have to fight for what’s left of your voice. And that means, yes, there’s utility to using a blue ballpoint pen instead of those felt-tip pens to help with detecting cheating. Also, overwhelm; show up on election day in force. 

TNA: Too big to rig? 

Clements: I don’t know if you can outvote the machines. But what I’m going to tell you is that you’ve got to try your best to overwhelm the system so those cracks manifest. And the more that we see it, the more of an impetus we should all have to get rid of that architecture.  

So go out there, know why you’re participating in a rigged system, vote, but vote on Election Day. Fight for hand counting where you can, and just be the watchmen.