When will the left-wing media be angry that conservatives are abandoning being conservative?
When that means ceasing to be defensive and no longer conserving our liberalism-born status quo.
This is precisely the case with an article by ProPublica (PP) — an outfit partially funded by George Soros’s Open Society Foundations — which writes that the “stolen election myth inspired thousands of Trump supporters to take over the Republican Party at the local level, exerting more partisan influence on how elections are run.”
(How PP defines “myth” was not explained.)
The New American pointed out Saturday that PP actually uses the term “‘Election Deniers’…to give the impression that those who speak out about fraud are mere conspiracy theorists, rather than concerned citizens who recognize the abundant evidence of malfeasance in the last election.”
PP notes that there’s a “significant rise in interest in joining local Republican parties as precinct committeemen…[and that this] is, in part, due to former Trump advisor Steve Bannon, who has encouraged the audience of his ‘War Room’ program to do so,” TNA also informs.
Now, this uncharacteristic “rightist” pushback brings to mind how G.K. Chesterton once observed that the “business of Progressives is to go on making mistakes. The business of Conservatives is to prevent mistakes from being corrected.” The latter phenomenon was evident in the vote fraud arena, as in 1982 the Republican National Committee entered into a consent decree “barring” the organization “from pursuing ‘ballot security’ measures,” as the liberal Atlantic put it in 2018. (A judge finally allowed it to expire in 2017, after 35 years.) And there’s a problem when what you’re conserving is vote fraud.
But that’s in the past, and, besides, grassroots patriots aren’t the RNC. The Bannon-catalyzed abandonment of the mistake-conservation business inspired not only the PP article, however, but also a fevered Twitter thread by one of its authors, longtime reporter Isaac Arnsdorf. He begins:
Yes, well, that “conservatives” are being as activism-oriented as some leftists may truly be “breaking” news. Arnsdorf continues:
Bannon is at least partially correct: Trump was opposed by the whole Establishment, including its GOP wing. Had this not been the case, he *might* have prevailed in 2020 despite the rampant Democrat-authored vote fraud.
Then there’s this:
So, apparently, “the discontented deplorables are getting out and organizing,” writes commentator Monica Showalter. “That’s normal in a democracy and has happened since America’s founding. But apparently it’s news to him [Arnsdorf].”
Arnsdorf then touts his sleuthing:
This precinct standard is as it should be, too. The United States was meant to be largely decentralized and was founded, among other things, on the principle of subsidiarity (i.e., tasks and powers should be devolved to the smallest possible unit of society).
But Arnsdorf apparently defends a different kind of devolution:
Talk about projection. The Democrats’ main electoral strategy is to reshape election machinery. They did this in 2020 by instituting widespread mail-in voting (and eliminating security measures), which has been illegal in France since 1975 precisely because it’s the type of balloting most susceptible to vote fraud. They’ve since striven to reshape it further with the deceptively titled “For the People Act,” which would actually “nationalize” elections and “enshrine fraud” by ensuring the “entire country will have ballot harvesting and mail-in voting,” as pundit Tucker Carlson put it in January.
As for seeking to forestall a repeat of 2020’s fraud, if this is the Bannon movement’s only goal, it’s a noble one. Voting is rendered irrelevant — and representative government ceases to be representative — when elections are dishonest. Leaders won’t do the people’s will when they’ve gotten their positions through party-machine fraudsters’ will.
Speaking of party machines, Arnsdorf also “quotes a string of shiftless RINOs [below] who don’t mind election fraud and who’ve since been given the boot,” writes Showalter.
It imperils the republic labeling the reality of 2020’s stolen election a “conspiracy theory.” Was it people’s imagination when Democrat operative Scott Foval confessed on hidden camera in 2016 that he and his crew had been rigging elections “for 50 years”? How about when Democrat Alan Schulkin, then-NYC election commissioner, admitted on hidden camera in 2016, “I think there’s a lot of vote fraud”? Imagination? What about when another Democrat operative revealed last year that he and his team had been committing massive mail-in vote fraud for decades and that it “could be enough to flip states”? Delusion?
The irony of the For the People Act (and the “for the people” act) is that the patriots seeking local GOP power reflect the “people” infinitely more than do Arnsdorf et al., who, though fancying otherwise, represent what the “Left” now wholly controls: the Establishment — mainstream media, academia, entertainment, Big Tech, most of corporate America, the entire Democratic Party, and much of the GOP. Those smarter than Arnsdorf, the Machiavellian power-seekers, know this; they know the peasants are getting uppity, and they don’t like it.
But the peasants are rising up because, on some level, they grasp the above: They’re outside the Establishment — and are increasingly tyrannized by it. They thus are no longer acting conservatively. For the only consistent definitions of conservatism and liberalism involve the desires to, respectively, “conserve” the status quo and change the status quo. Yet when liberals effect changes so thoroughly that these changes become the status quo, do these “liberals” not become the new conservatives? As Chesterton put it, “The Liberal Party suddenly becomes the Conservative Party the instant it has anything to conserve.”
Today, the “liberals” want to conserve the vote-fraud-facilitating status quo. They thus view ballot security measures as they do January 6 — as efforts at rebellion.
