At a meeting of the UN Security Council on September 20, Vice President Mike Pence delivered a blistering attack on the UN’s Human Rights Council, which is notorious both for its composition and its actions (and inaction).
“Cuba sits on the Human Rights Council — an oppressive regime that has repressed its people and jailed political opponents for more than half a century,” Pence said. “Venezuela sits on the Human Rights Council, a dictatorship that undermines democracy at every turn, imprisons its political opponents.”
The UN “must reform the Council’s membership and its operation,” he said. Pence’s attack on the Human Rights Council (HRC) was a follow-up to a volley by President Trump a day earlier. During his maiden speech to the world body on September 19, President Trump said it is “a massive source of embarrassment” that the UN allows countries with “egregious human rights records” to sit on the HRC.
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“The truth is, the Human Rights Council doesn’t deserve its name,” Pence told the Security Council. Like President Trump’s speech the previous day, Pence’s words were music to the ears of Americans who had been hoping for a White House that would call out the tyrants and hypocrites running the global dictators club on New York’s East River. However, Vice President Pence’s clear-eyed criticism of unquestionably despotic regimes clouded over as he pivoted to the murky, chaotic situation in Burma (also known as Myanmar) to champion the plight of the Rohingya Muslims in Burma’s Rakhine state.
“Burmese security forces responded to militant attacks on government outposts with terrible savagery — burning villages and driving the Rohingya from their homes,” Pence said. “The images of the violence, and its victims, have shocked the American people, and decent people all across the world. And now we are witnessing a historic exodus. Over 400,000 Rohingya — including tens of thousands of children — have now been forced to flee from Burma to Bangladesh, and more following every day.” Secretary of State Rex Tillerson spoke by phone with Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi on September 19 to add the U.S. government’s pressure to that already being applied by the UN, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Socialist International, the World Bank, NGOs funded by George Soros, and the international media.
“While we welcome Aung San Suu Kyi’s comments that returning refugees have nothing to fear, the United States of America renews our call on Burma’s security forces to end their violence immediately, and support diplomatic efforts for a long-term solution,” Pence said. “President Trump and I also call on the Security Council and the United Nations to take strong and swift action to bring this crisis to an end — and give hope and help to the Rohingya people in their hour of need.” President Trump, Vice President Pence, and Secretary Tillerson have not said precisely what type of “strong and swift action” they expect the UN and the Security Council to take. Nor have they explained how they would reconcile this appeal to UN authority with the administration’s professed commitment to national sovereignty, as repeatedly and forcefully stated by President Trump himself during his September 19 UN speech.
Although Vice President Pence’s statements regarding Burma received little coverage in the major U.S. media, it did not go unnoticed in the Muslim world. Aljazeera, for instance, ran a celebratory article with this headline: “Trump urges ‘strong and swift’ UN action for Rohingya.” It was followed by this subtitle: “In strongest US response yet, vice president says violence against Rohingya ‘will sow seeds of hatred and chaos.’”
The surprise Pence/Trump Rohingya Muslim statement also did not go unnoticed by Ann Corcoran, the editor/publisher of Refugee Resettlement Watch, which is an indispensable guide to the ongoing massive “refugee” influx into the United States, providing daily updates and links to local stories showing the true impact that these unvetted migrants from alien cultures are having on crime, taxes, national security, terrorism, welfare, social cohesion/disintegration, civil turmoil, and more. Her posting for September 22, “Trump and Pence show ignorance about Rohingya situation in Burma,” does not mince words.
“Here,” wrote Corcoran, “is my recommendation to [Pence] and to Trump on the decades-old conflict in Burma between the Buddhists who run the country and the increasing numbers of devout Rohingya Muslims who the Buddhists say are really illegal migrants from Bangladesh…. Shut up!” “I didn’t see the Burmese government chastising you, Mr. President, when you (fearing for the safety of Americans) initiated your ‘travel ban’ aimed at migrants from Muslim countries,” she noted. “Aren’t the Buddhists allowed to protect their people? Until you have put someone to work studying the complex problem, someone who can fully brief you, simply don’t say a word!”
This is sound advice, considering the suspect sources that are propagating the themes that Burma is engaged in “genocide,” “ethnic cleansing,” and “crimes against humanity” in its dealings with the Rohingya Muslims. While no one with an ounce of compassion wants to see any ethnic or religious group persecuted, be they Bosnian, Syrian, Tibetan, Kurd, Rohingya, Christian, Jew, or Muslim, the “human rights” advocates at the United Nations and their surrogates in the elite media and the globalist NGO choir have a very long history of exploiting (and even creating) humanitarian crises to further their agenda for world government.
The same professed champions of human rights have also refused to expose and prosecute the UN officials who have covered up the massive atrocities of UN “Peacekeeping” troops, which have been engaged in rape, torture, murder, sex trafficking, pedophilia, and other crimes — on an enormous scale — throughout Africa, the Caribbean, and elsewhere (see here, here, and here).
The accusers do not have a great deal of credibility. Moreover, what is actually happening in Burma’s Rakhine state and who is causing it to happen are very big questions to which there are no clear, simple answers at present. The current crisis situation, which, reportedly, involves 200,000-400,000 Rohingya Muslims who have fled across the border into Muslim-dominant Bangladesh, was initiated by attacks of Muslim militants against Burmese police stations and military outposts on August 15. The group responsible for the attacks is said to be the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), also known as Harakah al-Yaqin. The International Crisis Group (ICG), one of the globalist organizations founded and funded by leftist billionaire George Soros, admits, “It is extremely difficult to verify the numerous reports of atrocities amid the confusion and chaos, and very limited access for media and humanitarian agencies.” Nevertheless, the ICG has joined the UN chorus in denouncing the Burmese government for “crimes against humanity.” Likewise, the Socialist International (SI), the largest organization of worldwide socialist and “former” communist parties, issued a “SI call to protect the Rohingya people in Myanmar” on September 8. The Socialist International position statement noted that “ethnic Rohingya refugees who have successfully fled to Bangladesh have reported massacres in their villages and the burning of hundreds of homes by the Burmese military, in an effort to remove the civilian Rohingya population from this area by forcible means.” Those reports may or may not be true; other reports have stated that, at least in some instances, it was the ARSA jihadists who carried out the burnings and massacres. Verification, as admitted above the ICG, is difficult to impossible, at the moment.
The government of Burma is hardly a paragon of virtue, especially as it relates to human rights and public dissent. Until recently, Burma had been ruled by a succession of socialist military juntas since 1962. The original Burmese Socialist Program Party (BSPP), which seized power under General Ne Win in 1962, promulgated a brand of Marxism-Leninism fused with Buddhism, an amalgam calculated to appeal to Burma’s predominantly Buddhist population. Following the lead of Soviet Russia, China, Cuba, and other communist dictatorships, the BSPP declared Burma to be a one-party state. It also featured youth organizations modeled after Mao Tse-tung’s Red Guards and Young Pioneers. The government has gone through several major upheavals and palace coups, during which rival generals jockeyed for power. Although the BSPP was abolished, its replacements have been run by BSPP veterans who continued the BSPP socialist line. In 2015, the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Burmese dissident Aung San Suu Kyi, won stunning victories in the general elections, taking majorities in both houses of the national legislature. In 2016, she was appointed state counselor, the equivalent of prime minister, to the cheers and huzzahs of a global chorus that heralded the nobel laureate (she received the Nobel Prize in 1991) as the savior who would bring peace to Myanmar.
Now, however, many of the same voices that sang her praises are chastising Aung San Suu Kyi. The Socialist International, which only a few years ago had proclaimed her “Special Honorary President of our International,” is now in the critics’ corner. So too, are the Council on Foreign Relations, the World Bank, the New York Times, Washington Post, CNN, and other erstwhile fans of the once-cherished human rights icon. She appears to be everything these globalists want. She is a leftist, the daughter of Aung San, who gained fame as one of the young communist revolutionary members of the “Thirty Comrades” and as the founder and first secretary general of the Communist Party of Burma. But the powers that be that raised Aung San Suu Kyi up, now appear ready to cast her down — if she doesn’t get with their program. And that program means yielding to the “international community,” which translates into the United Nations, its multilateral lending agencies (the World Bank and IMF, principally), and the think tanks and NGOs pushing the one-world agenda. The program being dictated to Burma, as put forward by the International Crisis Group and the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State (headed by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan), calls on Burma to give citizenship, freedom of movement, increased access to education and vocational training (along with expanded government spending on the same), and much more, to the Muslim refugees.
If President Trump goes along with this orchestrated attack on Burma’s sovereignty, he will be cutting the ground out from under our own feet. The United States is under constant attack from the UN and the “international community,” with charges that our immigration practices are xenophobic and inhumane, our police are racist and brutal, our Second Amendment is responsible for global gun violence, our elections are fraudulent, etc. The United States, say the critics, must accept UN observers and international “experts” to monitor our society and assure that we are adhering to “international norms.” If Burma is forced to yield to this pressure, will we be far behind?
More directly and ominously, the Trump administration’s recent stance on Burma coincides with a policy that appears to signal a willingness to bring a new influx of Rohingya Muslims into the United States. On September 20, the same day that Vice President Pence castigated Burma over its Rohingya Muslim crisis, Reuters reported that an unspecified number of Rohingya refugees will be among the 1,250 Iranians, Bangladeshis, Sudanese, and others soon to be admitted into the United States, in a deal brokered last year by then-President Barack Obama and Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. Although he called the Obama-Turnbull deal “dumb,” President Trump agreed to stick by it. This new influx comes on top of 715 Rohingya admitted into the U.S. by the Trump administration since inauguration day, according to State Department records cited by Refugee Resettlement Watch on September 22.
In the same blog posting, Ann Corcoran chides the administration, writing, “I bet Trump and Pence don’t even know that we have admitted almost 20,000 Rohingya to live in your towns and cities in the last ten years.” And a significant number of them have proven to be less than sterling examples of the model immigrant, as she points out. Corcoran cites, for example, the case of Mohammod Rafique, who arrived in Nashua, New Hampshire, two years ago from Myanmar, and is now charged with sexually assaulting four girls, one of whom is a seven-year-old. She also links to recent stories from Phoenix, Arizona, about Rohingya refugee/activist Sheraz Islam, who has joined with the militant Muslim lobby in the Phoenix area to agitate for admittance of more refugees. His most immediate objective is to bring his mother and 10 siblings to join him in the United States.
Before President Trump makes any additional statements on Burma and/or makes any additional policy decisions regarding Rohingya Muslim refugees, he must assign White House and State Department personnel to read, and report back to him on, the more than 200 postings covering the past 10 years in the Rohingya Archives of Ann Corcoran’s Refugee Resettlement Watch.
Photo: England’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office
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